1 Introduction

This article introduces the "semi presidential" political system of the Fifth Republic of France, analyzes the role of the Prime Minister as a bridge between the President and Parliament, and how his power and independence are influenced by political relations. Explored the dramatic changes in the "President Prime Minister" relationship during Macron's tenure, particularly the phenomenon of Prime Minister change in the context of political turmoil and party polarization in France in 2024. The article takes the six prime ministers appointed by Macron during his more than seven years in power as a clue to explore the evolution of "Macronism" and analyze the manifestation of its "middle line" and pragmatic color in the selection of prime ministers in different periods. Intended to reveal the practical logic and development trajectory of "Macronism".

Macron Philippe: The Long Lost Duet

We discussed the cooperative relationship between President Macron and former Prime Minister Edward Philippe from 2017 to 2020, and how this relationship reflects the balance of power and complementarity under the executive dual head system. Macron lacked a strong party foundation in the early stages of his presidency, and choosing Philip as prime minister would help expand his governing base and garner support from center right voters. Philip's political stance is moderate, in line with Macron's bipartisan governance philosophy, and he has extensive experience in local governance and parliamentary affairs. Philip's appointment also reflects Macron's concept of an "emerging corporate state" that extends corporate management concepts to the political sphere. When Philip formed the government, he adopted a pragmatic strategy of balancing all parties, breaking the traditional "binary opposition" between left and right factions. However, the new government found it difficult to maintain neutrality in actual decision-making, reflecting the difficulties faced by the middle line of "Macronism". Macron's governing style exhibits characteristics of right-wing elitism, which has sparked dissatisfaction among some left-wing supporters. Macron's reliance on a small-scale elite decision-making model and lack of a broad social negotiation mechanism have intensified criticism from society for his "detachment from the people". Macron attempted to reconcile the political demands of the left and right factions, but failed to effectively bridge the profound differences between the two. The "Yellow Vest" movement is an important reflection of the internal contradictions of "Macronism". Macron's insufficient attention to the voices of the people has led to the rapid spread of the movement and its evolution into a national crisis. Philip was relatively tough in the early stages of the "Yellow Vest" movement, but as the situation escalated, he began to meet with representatives from various political parties to seek solutions. In the early response to the COVID-19 epidemic, Ma Kelong and Philip began to show "disgruntled". Philip's poll support rate exceeded that of Ma Kelong, posing a threat to Ma Kelong's re-election. Macron ultimately decided to have Philippe step down and be replaced by Jean Castell as Prime Minister to strengthen the presidential authority. Philippe's political influence did not diminish with his resignation, as he established the "Horizon" political party and announced his candidacy for the French presidency in 2027.

Macron Castell and Borne: The 'Concerto' of technocrats

We discussed how Macron strengthened his core decision-making position and relatively reduced the autonomy of the Prime Minister and Cabinet during the transitional period from the end of his first five-year term to the beginning of his second term by forming the Casta and Borne governments. Kastai, with his simple image of being close to the people and his governing style of focusing on local dialogue, broke the image of the former "elite government" and was known as Makron's "Swiss Army Knife". He has in-depth knowledge in the health field, effectively controls the COVID-19 and recovers the economy. Borne, with his technocratic style and profound administrative experience, became a staunch defender of the core agenda of Macron's second term. However, with the weakening of Macron's party's voice in parliament and the rise of bipolar parties, especially the far right, Macron has been forced to adopt an increasingly conservative stance and seek support from traditional political parties. During his term, Borne invoked Article 49.3 of the Constitution 23 times and was referred to as "Ms. 49.3", ultimately resigning in early 2024.

4 election defeats, prime ministers' 'variations'

We discussed the political challenges that Macron faced in the middle and later stages of his presidency, especially how to address governance difficulties under a multi-party parliamentary system by replacing the Prime Minister after losing the absolute majority of seats in the National Assembly. As the youngest prime minister, Atal's policy proposals and personal charisma aim to revive the ruling party's support among young and urban voters, but it is difficult to reverse voters' dissatisfaction with Macron's governance. Faced with the rise of far right forces, Macron chose Atal as prime minister, hoping to maintain his majority party position, but ultimately suffered a disastrous defeat in the European Parliament elections. After Atal resigned, Macron chose veteran Republican politician Michel Barnier as prime minister, but Barnier was forced to step down due to the forced passage of a fiscal bill. Subsequently, Fran ç ois Bayrou became Prime Minister, marking a compromise and shift in Macron's governing strategy from emphasizing personal authority to collaborating with veteran politicians. The Berlusconi government is facing a crisis of trust, but its policy agenda adheres to the centrist line, which has won it some buffer time. Macron will focus on "maintaining stability" rather than "seeking novelty" in the remaining two years of his term.

5 Conclusion

During Macron's tenure, the "President Prime Minister" relationship underwent three stages of adjustment, from Philip's majority party centrist approach to technocratic dominance, to Atal's youthful image and Barnier's seasoned experience, reflecting Macronism's transition from reform idealism to pragmatism and crisis management. However, this transformation failed to effectively alleviate social contradictions and instead exposed the problems of high concentration of power and insufficient social representation under the Fifth Republic system. The authority of the president improves governance efficiency, but weakens public opinion expression and interest coordination, exacerbates partisan conflicts, hinders policy formulation and implementation, and deepens social distrust of government decision-making. How to balance power concentration and popular participation within the framework of the Fifth Republic, coordinate the power game between the President and the National Assembly, enhance policy responsiveness and legitimacy, has become a core issue that urgently needs to be addressed in French politics. This will profoundly affect the adaptability and future direction of the French political system.