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Introduction

Since taking office, Macron has actively promoted European strategic autonomy, aiming to uphold Gaullism, safeguard national sovereignty and interests, and restore France’s status as a great power. Inheriting de Gaulle’s vision of grandeur and European perspective, Macron seeks to strengthen France and Europe’s competitiveness and autonomy in key areas through strategic autonomy, consolidating France’s influence and leadership within the EU while enhancing the collective strength and international standing of France and Europe. Macron calls for France and Europe to maintain independence and autonomy in international and diplomatic affairs, avoiding complete alignment with or reliance on the U.S., thereby better safeguarding their core interests. However, achieving European strategic autonomy faces numerous challenges, including internal EU divisions, ambiguous definitions of strategic autonomy, practical shortcomings in personnel, technology, and funding, as well as pressure and resistance from the U.S. and NATO. Nevertheless, European strategic autonomy remains necessary for the EU and European nations, and some progress has already been made, offering hope for further advancement.

I. European Strategic Autonomy: An Extension and Expansion of Gaullism in Scope and Content

This section explores the historical roots and modern development of European strategic autonomy. At the core of Gaullism lies France’s independence and great-power status, achieved through nuclear deterrence, withdrawal from NATO’s military integration, and other means of strategic autonomy. France’s diplomatic tradition and strategic culture emphasize great-power status, independence, and resistance to hegemony. Macron, inheriting Gaullism, proposes European strategic autonomy, expanding its scope from France to the EU to address challenges in non-traditional security areas such as economics, trade, and technology. Macron views European integration as a means to consolidate strength and expand influence, positioning the EU as a third pole alongside China and the U.S. Against the backdrop of Sino-U.S. competition, globalization challenges, and European anxieties, Macron leverages diplomatic platforms to foster EU cooperation and strategic autonomy.

II. Strangled by Atlanticism

This section examines the challenges and opportunities Macron faces in advancing European strategic autonomy. U.S. interference in European defense and strategic autonomy—particularly through NATO’s influence over European affairs—poses a major obstacle. Successive U.S. administrations have been wary of EU defense development, such as the Bush administration’s undermining of EU rapid reaction forces and Trump’s opposition to a “European army.” The U.S. also seeks to influence the EU’s Indo-Pacific policy, aligning it with American interests and undermining the EU’s pursuit of multilateralism. The Russia-Ukraine conflict has severely impacted Macron’s European strategic autonomy agenda, disrupting Franco-German cooperation, revitalizing NATO, deepening Europe’s reliance on the U.S., and allowing the U.S. to tighten its grip on Europe’s energy and economy. Additionally, internal EU power struggles weaken unity and operational capacity, posing further challenges to France’s leadership in European strategic autonomy.

III. The Dawn of Gaullism’s Europeanization

Despite U.S. and internal EU pressures, Macron’s vision of European strategic autonomy remains viable. Strategic and interest conflicts within the U.S.-Europe “transatlantic alliance” necessitate Europe reducing dependence on the U.S. and enhancing autonomy. Shifting U.S. policies fuel European anxiety over NATO’s collective security commitments, widening transatlantic rifts. A potential Trump re-election could further strain relations, forcing Europe to reassess its ties with the U.S. Economic competition, particularly in chip manufacturing, intensifies, with U.S. policies like the Inflation Reduction Act and CHIPS Act undermining European competitiveness and threatening reindustrialization. These tensions strengthen Europe’s internal cohesion and drive toward strategic autonomy. European sovereignty gains traction as defense capabilities grow, and the EU asserts “digital sovereignty” and “technological sovereignty,” investing in infrastructure and regulatory frameworks to reduce reliance on foreign tech. The EU’s “Strategic Compass” outlines defense policy goals, including a 5,000-strong rapid reaction force by 2030. U.S. strategic adjustments push Europe to assume greater security responsibility, legitimizing its autonomy ambitions. European leaders, resisting U.S.-led decoupling from China, engage with Beijing on economic, cultural, and political issues. Macron advocates independent diplomacy, opposing bloc confrontation. After visits to China, EU leaders shift rhetoric from “de-risking” to emphasizing a “coherent strategic relationship” with China. Macron, a staunch advocate of European autonomy, urges reduced reliance on the U.S. in defense and beyond.

Conclusion

Post-WWII Europe’s reliance on NATO left its defense capabilities subordinate to the U.S., requiring 10-15 years to offset American contributions. The 2008 financial crisis and eurozone debt crisis weakened Europe’s economy, while the refugee crisis and Brexit damaged the EU’s “normative power” image. Trump’s “America First” policy further strained ties, and the rise of China and other developing nations heightened Europe’s sense of crisis. Macron’s push for European strategic autonomy, framing the EU as a “power amplifier” to uphold Gaullism and defend sovereignty, faces strategic, structural, and geopolitical hurdles but retains momentum. Precedents exist for success, and U.S.-Europe tensions fuel autonomy efforts. Macron advances partial sovereignty, fostering a “French-led” Europe. Public and political support for autonomy grows, while U.S.-China dynamics create space for Europe. The path ahead is uncertain, but Macron stresses its importance. Sino-French and Sino-European cooperation on multipolarity, global governance, and shared challenges is essential. Whether Macron can overcome crises, expand Gaullism’s influence, and achieve European independence will significantly impact China-Europe relations and the evolving world order.

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