I. "Universal Love" and "Fraternity"

This section explores the concepts of "universal love" and "fraternity," comparing their interpretations in Chinese and Western cultures. It begins by noting that Tang Dynasty thinker Han Yu equated "universal love" with "human virtue" in his works, while in modern China, "universal love" is often understood as a Christian virtue. In recent years, Chinese philosophy scholars have frequently compared "human virtue" in Chinese culture with "universal love" in Western culture. However, such comparisons often oversimplify "universal love," limiting it to Christian interpretations. France, as the "eldest daughter of the Church," includes "fraternity" in its republican motto without excluding the Christian notion of "universal love." This understanding raises many questions. Meanwhile, Confucian "human virtue" is often interpreted through the lens of Mencius's school, linked to the extreme conceptualism and abstraction of Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism. Thus, while "human virtue" and "universal love" appear comparable in Chinese and Western thought, their meanings in Chinese academic literature are largely speculative.

The section further points out that the above research paradigm has limitations when viewed through the lens of how "universal love" was translated and introduced in China. Many abstract nouns and concepts used in Chinese were actually reintroduced from Japan. During Japan's Meiji era, France's highest values—"liberty, equality, fraternity"—needed translation into Japanese, with "fraternity" having two renderings: "yūai" (friendship) and "hakuaī" (universal love). Modern French-Japanese dictionaries define "fraternity" primarily based on concepts like "friendship, brotherly love,同胞爱 (同胞爱), and友爱团体 (friendship groups)," while "universal love" is scarcely mentioned. Although "fraternity" is synonymous with charity in modern usage, this does not mean "friendship" refers to a general, abstract love for humanity. During Japan's Meiji era, "yūai" (fraternity) was translated as "hakuaī," reflecting a certain inclination in the French understanding of "fraternity." On one hand, with the progress of the Industrial Revolution, the bourgeoisie dominated Europe's most advanced nations, Britain and France. In the late 19th century, influenced by the Victorian era, charity became popular among bourgeois women, imbuing "fraternity" with connotations of charity and universal love. However, French historian Marcel David notes that "charity" and "fraternity" overlap and resemble each other in many ways, both interpretable on an emotional level as prompting concern for others, though distinctions exist. Since the 19th century, charitable ideas have carried elitist and patriarchal undertones, while fraternity is more associated with social equality and aspirations for greater dignity. The rise of fraternity since the French Revolution ultimately contributed to the birth of universal suffrage.

To avoid excessive length and given existing reliable research, this section briefly reviews the historical context of fraternity. Unlike most French scholars who emphasize Christian traditions, it first examines Aristotle's theory of fraternity, not only because it predates Christianity but also because it encompasses both political and non-political dimensions of fraternity. Aristotle's theory of friendship, primarily found in Book VIII of the Nicomachean Ethics, distinguishes three types of friendship in Chapter 3. The third type, based on mutual attraction due to each other's virtues, is the only true friendship. This elitist, aristocratic form of friendship long influenced mainstream European theories of friendship. It closely resembles Aristotle's contrast between the "contemplative life" and the "active life" in Book VII, Chapter 2 of the Politics, where such friendships are largely non-political, detached from political communities. However, it is worth noting that at the beginning of Book VIII of the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle states: "Friendship is most necessary for life... for no one would choose to live without friends (philoi) even if they possessed all other goods" (1155a). Friendship also seems to bind cities, and legislators appear to value it highly.

II. The "Human Virtue" of a Good Father and "Vertical Love"

This section explores the concept of "benevolence" (仁爱) in Chinese tradition, particularly its comparison with the notion of fraternity in the French Revolution. It notes that while France produced few new theories of fraternity, Chinese tradition developed a complex and varied interpretation of "benevolence." Analyzing Confucius's discussions of "benevolence" in the Analects, especially his dialogue with disciple Fan Chi, the section reveals that "benevolence" is not merely love for all but is politically oriented, distinct from everyday interpersonal affection.

The section cites a dialogue from the Analects where Confucius defines "benevolence" as "loving others" and explains that promoting the upright and sidelining the crooked can reform the latter. Disciple Zixia further elaborates with historical examples. It also discusses interpretations by Confucian scholars like He Yan, Xing Bing, and Zhu Xi, all of whom emphasize the political importance of "benevolence," particularly through selecting virtuous individuals to achieve social harmony.

The section further analyzes the application of "benevolence" in governance, such as Confucius's advice in the Analects that rulers should focus on state affairs, keep promises, economize, love the people, and employ their labor judiciously. Zhu Xi cites the Book of Changes to stress frugality and loving the people. The section notes that "loving others" and "loving the people" in the Analects typically refer to nobles and the upper class, indicating that the subjects of "benevolence" are not ordinary people but scholars or gentlemen capable of guiding and ruling.

In summary, the section delves into the meaning of "benevolence" in Chinese tradition, highlighting its role in political and social governance and its differences from the French Revolutionary concept of fraternity. Through analysis of the Analects and Confucian interpretations, it reveals that "benevolence" is not just love for all but a politically and socially oriented virtue practiced by leaders and influential figures.

III. Conclusion and Opening

This section examines the similarities and differences between Confucianism and Christianity during the Ming and Qing dynasties. It begins by noting that Jesuit missionaries like Matteo Ricci, who arrived in late Ming China, believed Confucianism and Christianity had no fundamental differences, though this view was soon contested by Dominicans and others. Comparing concepts of "goodness" and "fraternity" in Chinese and Western religions, the section observes that despite differences, Confucianism shares some similarities with Christianity, as both assume a supreme deity as the creator of heaven and earth, making all people belong to God and all creations share a common heavenly father—Heaven—God (上帝), with their connections and emotions ultimately deriving from this father.

The section further analyzes differences in how Confucianism and Christianity understand "love." Starting with Dong Zhongshu and the Western Han Dynasty, Confucianism established an exclusive relationship between "Heaven" and the "Son of Heaven" (emperor): Heaven creates all things but does not directly intervene in human society; the most virtuous person on earth becomes the bridge and mediator between Heaven and humanity. This Son of Heaven is authorized by Heaven to convey divine will to humans. The ruler's "universal love" for the people is not based on equality but on a sense of responsibility within a "trust contract." Confucianism has always optimistically held that if rulers practice benevolent governance, the people will perceive and reciprocate with a certain love. However, the people's love for the ruler cannot equal the ruler's love for the people, just as a father's love (compassion) for his child differs from the child's love (filial piety) for the father.

The section also discusses how the vertical model of "the good caring for the people" has not fundamentally changed historically. According to historians like Naitō Konan and Miyazaki Ichisada of Kyoto University, significant transitions occurred between the Tang and Song dynasties. However, regarding Confucian "fraternity," changes from the Han to the Song dynasties led the Song to regard it as the exclusive monopoly of the "king." Post-Song changes involved the imperial examination system, which allowed ordinary people to become the emperor's "disciples," join the imperial bureaucracy, and participate in governance. These officials saw themselves as "parents of the people," sharing the ruler's responsibilities.

Finally, the section compares the "Six-Edict Proclamation" of Ming Emperor Hongwu and the "Sixteen-Article Edict" of Qing Emperor Kangxi, exploring their impact on local elites and officials. In the Ming Dynasty, imperial control over society was relatively loose, and Wang Yangming's "lecture" and "village covenant" movements flourished in some areas. The Qing Dynasty harshly suppressed late Ming folk associations, and the privilege of "educating the people" and "transforming customs" returned to the emperor. Kangxi's "Sixteen-Article Edict" incorporated the "Six-Edict Proclamation" and added new content, such as Article 6 ("Eradicate literati habits"), Article 7 ("Eliminate heterodoxy to promote proper learning"), and Article 10 ("Determine public opinion through actions"), targeting local officials rather than the general public. These edicts were political guidance and official warnings for local officials. Originally, the "Six-Edict Proclamation" was used as a preaching program, allowing local Confucian elites to adapt their interpretations to reality. Local officials or state Confucian nobles could only preach based on official documents, acting as the emperor's spokespeople. Thus, the emperor alone exercised "universal love." This situation eased starting from the Han Dynasty but was fully monopolized again by the mid-Qing Dynasty, with the emperor reclaiming exclusive authority over "orthodoxy" and "the Way."